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2021-08-26 15:45:37

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wholesale automatic cable crimping machinewholesale automatic cable crimping machinewholesale automatic cable crimping machinewholesale automatic cable crimping machine,Political and population trends are colliding as the steadily escalating tension between red states and their blue cities across the Sun Belt is reaching a breaking point over the volatile issue of school masking.For more than a decade, GOP governors and Republican-controlled legislatures in states from Florida and Georgia to Texas and Arizona, reflecting the priorities and preferences of their primarily White and non-urban coalition, have moved with increasing boldness to override decisions made by Democratic-controlled city and county governments in their states' racially diverse largest population centers on issues from environmental standards to workplace protections and even police funding.This steady procession of preemptions has provoked howls of outrage from local officials. But none of those previous overrides -- not even the actions last year by state Republican leaders in those four states to overturn local limits on business hours or capacity during the first months of the pandemic -- has inspired anything like the explicit defiance from local leaders in Florida, Arizona and especially Texas of GOP-crafted state statutes and executive orders that bar public schools from requiring masks for all students and staff.The effort by statewide GOP leaders in multiple states to strip local Democratic officials of their authority over masking "is very consistent with what we've been seeing" for years, says David Damore, a University of Nevada at Las Vegas political scientist and co-author of the recent book "Blue Metros, Red States." "But now you have a public health issue, so it's upped the ante compared to a fight over, say, who should regulate Uber. Here it is something that is affecting every community in the country."The struggle over school masking rules, which is barreling toward decisive rulings in state courts in Florida, Arizona and Texas possibly within days, is crystallizing the conflict between a Democratic coalition that is improving its position throughout the Sun Belt's largest metropolitan areas and a Republican coalition that still controls statewide power in these states because of its dominance in less densely populated areas.The new Census Bureau figures released last week help explain the intensity of this struggle. Those new data, according to several previously unpublished analyses shared with me, show that in the fastest-growing Sun Belt states, the large metropolitan areas facing the most persistent conflicts with state Republican leaders dominated population growth over the past decade. Sun Belt metro areas like those centered on Atlanta, Dallas, Houston and Phoenix, in fact, are generally among the most dynamic areas anywhere in the nation, soaring not only in population but also in jobs and economic output, and pulling further away from the non-metropolitan areas of their states.States in the South and West saw big gains over the last decadeNew Census data show that three states lost population since the last decennial count in 2010: Illinois, West Virginia and Mississippi. Some states in the South and West saw big increases, including an 18.4% increase in Utah — the biggest gain since 2010."The reality is that over a decade, there's been considerably more metropolitan and urban growth in increasingly professional, technologically oriented, fast-growing hubs of states while the non-urban heartland loses people and is losing its economic base," in industries such as manufacturing and energy production, says Mark Muro, policy director at the Brookings Institution's Metropolitan Policy Program. "So in that sense the disjunction has become much wider."Against the backdrop of these population and job gains, the core underlying question raised by the GOP efforts to preempt local mask requirements is: How long can these metro areas be denied political influence commensurate with their economic clout?"These tensions," Muro says, "are reaching a crisis stage in the Sun Belt because they pit the claims of the nation's core metropolitan economic engines against a GOP management based in the rural-small-town hinterland that still controls the redistricting process and is pulling out all the stops in limiting the urban vote."Metros driving Sun Belt growthFrom any angle, the metro dominance of growth across the Sun Belt leaps from the new census numbers. Jed Kolko, the chief economist for Indeed, the job search site, compared growth in the key Sun Belt states between the very largest metropolitan areas -- those with populations of 1 million or more -- and all other places: He found that the largest metros over the past decade had added population at least three times faster than everywhere else in Arizona, Georgia, Texas and North Carolina, and slightly faster in Florida."The fastest-growing places in the country have been the suburbs of big Sun Belt metros, the outlying portions of [places like] Austin or Phoenix," Kolko says.Muro's team at Brookings took a broader look, comparing the population growth of all the metropolitan areas in the key Sun Belt states with the remainder living in smaller places. In Texas, Florida and Georgia, the analysis found, the metropolitan areas accounted for about 99% of the states' increased populations since 2010; in North Carolina, South Carolina and Arizona, the metropolitan areas accounted for more than 100% of the states' growth, meaning that the smaller non-metropolitan places actually lost population over the past decade.Texas perhaps best crystallizes how much large metros are now driving growth in the Sun Belt. Just the Houston, Dallas-Fort Worth, Austin and San Antonio metropolitan areas -- all jurisdictions where officials are defying Republican Gov. Greg Abbott's ban on mask mandates -- accounted for fully 87% of the new residents the state added since 2010, according to calculations by Steven Pedigo, director of the Urban Lab at the University of Texas at Austin's Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs. Meanwhile, the non-metropolitan areas that favor Republicans remained stagnant, with virtually no population increase over the past decade, he says. The big four metro areas alone now account for 68% of the state's population, up from 64% in 2010."That's a pretty significant jump in becoming much more urban," says Pedigo. "The Austin metro area in 2010 was 1.7 million; now it's about 2.3 million. It added about 570,000 people, which is about the size of the District of Columbia." Meanwhile, he adds, "rural Texas is declining: It has 3 million residents, but there is no economic basis there."These population shifts come as Democrats have improved their standing across these growing metro areas. In 2020, Joe Biden won all of the largest Sun Belt metropolitan areas -- a list that ranges from Charlotte and Raleigh in the East to Phoenix, Denver and Las Vegas in the West -- except for three in Florida (Jacksonville, Tampa and Miami), according to calculations by Damore and the late Robert Lang in a Brookings paper. Biden was the first Democratic presidential nominee to carry all four of the largest Texas metro areas since native son Lyndon Johnson in 1964; he was the first Democrat to win Maricopa County, the core of the Phoenix metro area, since Harry Truman in 1948.If Democrats can sustain those gains, this tilt in the balance of population toward the largest metropolitan centers -- and the concurrent shift toward more racial diversity that the census also documented -- constitutes a fundamental long threat to the GOP dominance in many of the big Sun Belt states, a dynamic already underscored by the breakthroughs from Biden and Democratic Senate candidates in Arizona and Georgia.